Thursday,
July 24, 2008 -
The Alliance
of the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS) split up
into two rival splinter groups after the tardy
attempt to patch things up failed in Yemen.
Hassan Dahir Aweys, the hardliner Islamist
boss sacked Sheikh Sharif, his moderate
Islamist sidekick and crowned himself as the
ultimate leader of the Somalia's Islamic
opposition movement. What was Sheikh Sharif's
cardinal sin? He talked to the enemy and
signed a dubious agreement with the
Transitional Federal Government (TFG) that,
according to the hawkish elements within the
ARS, is not practical and objectionable to the
Somali and Islamic cause.
From the
outset, many Somali observers were unconvinced
about the marriage of unlike groups of
moderates, hardliners and nationalists with
divergent agendas. Their effectiveness was
questioned and it seemed that the whole thing
of forming such shaky alliance was rushed and
not well-thought of.
Some
followers of the messy Somali affairs
believe that Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, who is
the face of the Islamic movement in Somalia
and the man behind the establishment of the
Islamic Courts union in Mogadishu and Southern
Somalia opposes any peace deal with the
warlord-infested government of Somalia as long
as he remains in Bush's
terror list. Others suggest that the hardened
Sheikh, by strongly opposing the same group he
shaped and molded, is committing political
suicide and is risking playing into the hands
of his enemies whose sinister plot was to
craft a wedge within the Islamic movement. Who
knows, maybe, Sheikh Aweys and his Asmara wing
seem to have stronger convictions in their
pursuit of liberating Somalia. Probably
they oppose the peace initiatives of Sheikh
Sharif and his Djibouti wing for the fear that
their liberation program and their political
agenda would be eclipsed under the rubric of
spurious call of reconciliation that promises
nothing other than legitimizing
collaborationist warlords whose mandate is
running out in 2009 without accomplishing
anything except to create more havoc and
carnage in the capital.
The conduct
of Sheikh Sharif, so far, shows that he is a
different kind of leader, good natured, softly
spoken, highly intellectual and convincing in
his arguments. Despite these admirable
qualities, some of his detractors say, in
politics, especially the messy ones in
Somalia, where alliances shift and loyalties
are improvised; he is a neophyte who is out of
touch in the Somali reality. They accuse
Sheikh Sharif of being a flip-flop and
political gambler and that he sometimes
conforms to pressure. The political pragmatism
of Sheikh Sharif is not a liability and is
indeed what is needed to save Somalia today.
Sheikh Sharif has not betrayed the Islamic
Courts and in fact he advances them and
promotes their name and cause. Talking to the
other side of the Somali conflict, the
Transitional federal Government (TFG) when
they are specially represented by equally good
natured and compromising individuals like
Prime Minister Nur Adde and his deputy Ahmed
Abdisalam is not a betrayal of the Islamist
cause. Realizing that the Ethiopian occupation
is supported and bankrolled by the
powers-that-be and that Meles Zenawi is not
alone in this "war on terror" is
perceptive prudence and not a betrayal of
Islamic principles.
Now the
question many people are asking is what would
happen to the good Sheikh Sharif and his
peacenik group? Would he still be able to
represent himself as the face of the opposition?
Would Sheikh Sharif's perceptible passivity,
diplomacy and good intentions affect a change on
the ground? So far, things seem to be not
working in his favor and his only vindication
rests with the implementation of the accord he
signed by the powers-that-be. If that fails,
then the good Sheikh would have to re-invent
himself again and join hands with the hardliners
once again. Until then I would advise the
supporters of the Asmara group to halt their
rash criticism of the good Sheikh and give him a
chance to pursue his admirable goal of driving
the occupying forces out of Somalia through
diplomacy and negotiations.
The collapse
of the ARS hasn't produced any tangible gains
for the Transitional Federal government of
Somalia and its backers, the occupiers from
Ethiopia. Al-Shabaab group, the young Somali
freedom fighters, is more or less independent of
the political separation and constraints of the
splinter groups of the ARS in Asmara and
Djibouti. Any residual influence the ARS, or
what is left of it, may exercise will have
negligible effect on those in the ground,
fighting inside Somalia against the Ethiopian
occupation and the warlord-infested government
militias.
The fighting
would go on, blood would be shed, suffering of
the innocent Somali people would continue and
the world community, as usual, would close their
eyes to the worst humanitarian disaster in
Africa and the carnage in Somalia.
Abdulkadir
Mohamed (Ato)
abaadir0@gmail.com